File 019845
Email Forwarding ProPublica Article on Preet Bharara's Wall Street Record (File 019845)
Email from Kathy Ruemmler to Jeffrey Epstein forwarding a ProPublica article by Jesse Eisinger criticizing U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara's lenient approach to prosecuting Wall Street executives involved in the 2008 financial crisis, dated March 13, 2017.
Summary
Kathy Ruemmler sends Jeffrey Epstein a ProPublica article examining Preet Bharara's tenure as U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York. The article compares Bharara unfavorably to his predecessor Robert Morgenthau, noting that while Bharara successfully prosecuted political corruption cases, he was notably less aggressive in pursuing Wall Street misconduct. The piece highlights how Bharara focused on easier insider-trading cases against hedge funds while neglecting investigations into the 2008 financial crisis, including cases involving major banks like JPMorgan Chase and Credit Suisse, and failing to bring charges against senior executives despite evidence of widespread fraud.
From: Kathy Ruemmler [Sent: 3/13/2017 2:45:19 PMTo: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com]Subject: When It Comes to Wall Street, Preet Bharara Is No Hero - ProPublicaImportance: Highhttps://www.propublica.org/article/when-it-comes-to-wall-street-preet-bharara-is-no-heroWhen It Comes to Wall Street, Preet Bharara Is NoHeroThe prominent U.S. attorney fired by Donald Trump this weekend hasbeen justly acclaimed for his pursuit of political corruption. But histreatment of the Wall Street executives involved in the financial meltdownwas far less confrontational.by Jesse EisingerProPublica, March 12, 2017, 6:22 p.m.1 Comment Print Printsearch Follow ProPublicaEmail Updates by email_____Preet Bharara, then U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York, at TrumpTower in November 2016 (Drew Angerer/Getty Images)After his election in 1968, President Richard Nixon asked Robert Morgenthau, the USAttorney for the Southern District of New York, to resign. Morgenthau refused to leavevoluntarily, saying it degraded the office to treat it as a patronage position.Nixon's move precipitated a political crisis. The president named a replacement. Powerfulpoliticians lined up to support Morgenthau. Morgenthau had taken on mobsters and powerbrokers. He had repeatedly prosecuted Roy Cohn, the sleazy New York lawyer who hadbeen Senator Joe McCarthy's right-hand man. (One of Cohn's clients and protégés was ayoung New York City real estate developer named Donald Trump.) When Cohn complainedthat Morgenthau had a vendetta against him, Morgenthau replied, "A man is not immunefrom prosecution merely because a United States Attorney happens not to like him."Morgenthau carried that confrontational attitude to the world of business. He pioneered theSouthern District's approach to corporate crime. When his prosecutors took on corporateHOUSE OVERSIGHT 019845fraud, they did not reach settlements that called for fines, the current fashion these days.They filed criminal charges against the executives responsible.Before Morgenthau, the Department of Justice focused on two-bit corporate misdeedsPonzi schemes and boiler room operations. Morgenthau changed that. His prosecutors wentafter CEOs and their enablers___the accountants and lawyers who abetted the frauds orlooked the other way. "How do you justify prosecuting a nineteen-year old who sells drugson a street corner when you say it's too complicated to go after the people who move themoney?" he once asked.Morgenthau's years as United States Attorney were followed by political success. He waselected New York County District Attorney in 1974, the first of seven consecutive terms forthat office.There are parallels between Morgenthau, and Preet Bharara, the U.S. attorney for theSouthern District who was fired by President Trump this weekend.Like Morgenthau, the 48-year old Bharara leaves the office of US Attorney for the SouthernDistrict celebrated for taking on corrupt and powerful politicians. Bharara prosecuted two ofthe infamous "three men in a room" who ran New York state: Sheldon Silver, theDemocratic speaker of the assembly and Dean Skelos, the Republican Senate majorityleader.He won convictions of a startling array of local politicians, carrying on the work of theMoreland Commission, an ethics inquiry created and then dismissed by New York's Gov.Andrew Cuomo. (This weekend, Bharara cryptically tweeted that "I know what theMoreland Commission must have felt like," a suggestion that he was fired as he waspursuing cases pointed at Trump or his allies.)But the record shows that Bharara was much less aggressive when it came to confrontingWall Street's misdeeds.President Obama appointed Bharara in 2009, amid the wreckage of the worst financial crisissince the Great Depression. He inherited ongoing investigations into the collapse, includinga probe against Lehman Brothers.He also inherited something he and his young charges found more alluring: insider-tradingcases against hedge fund managers. His office focused obsessively on those. At one point,the Southern District racked up a record of 85-0 in those cases. (Appeals courts would laterthrow out two prominent convictions, infuriating him and dealing blows to several othercases.)Hedge funds are safer targets. The firms aren't enmeshed in the global financial markets inthe way that giant banks are. Insider trading cases are relatively easy to win and don'taddress systemic abuses that helped bring down the financial system.HOUSE OVERSIGHT 019846Even there his record was more mixed than is popularly understood. As Sheelah Kolhatkardemonstrates in her propulsive and riveting "Black Edge," when it came to bringing hisbiggest whale to justice, Steve Cohen of SAC Capital, the Southern District blinked. Theydid not charge him, only securing a guilty plea from his firm.Present and former prosecutors say Bharara did not give much emphasis to investigationsarising from the financial meltdown, an approach shared by his boss, Attorney General EricHolder. Justice Department insiders say many of those inquiries withered not because theywere unpromising, but because they had little support.Bharara missed an opportunity by not bringing any significant criminal charges againstindividuals in the wake of the collapses of Lehman, investment bank Merrill Lynch, theinsurer AIG, the mortgage securities and collateralized debt obligation businesses, or themyriad public misrepresentations from bank CEOs about their finances.Bharara and senior officials in Washington argue that there were no criminal cases to fileafter the 2008 crisis. But the U.S. attorney's office in Manhattan did pursue significant civilcases against the banks for their mortgage activities, cases that had to proove misconduct bythe "preponderance of the evidence." And DOJ did win guilty pleas from the banksthemselves, an indication that prosecutors might have been able to charge individuals fortheir part in crimes their institutions had acknowledged. Academics who studied those years,including Columbia's Tomasz Piskorski and James Witkin and Chicago's Amit Seru foundwidespread patterns of fraud in the mortgage business.The exception makes this failure all the more puzzling. As I detailed in 2014, Bharara'soffice brought one case for misconduct during the financial crisis____against a mid-levelbanker. Prosecutors charged Kareem Serageldin of Credit Suisse with overseeing traderswho knowingly misrepresented the value of mortgage securities. Serageldin pleaded guiltyand went to prison.Serageldin's colleagues in the industry and others familiar with Credit Suisse found it hardto believe that he was the only person involved in that particular fraud.Bharara's reluctance to pursue senior executives was seen in other investigations of bigbanks. His office wrested a $1.7 billion fine from JPMorgan Chase over its complicity in theBernie Madoff Ponzi scheme, but it brought no charges against individual bankers.One odd aspect of his tenure was the Southern District's willingness to defer to otherjurisdictions when it came to Wall Street cases.Historically, the SDNY has been the leading enforcers of securities laws, nicknamed the"sovereign district" for its propensity to grab corporate fraud cases from elsewhere on theflimsiest of jurisdictional pretexts. Under Bharara, the southern district let other U.S.attorneys claim investigations into residential mortgage-backed securities, the instruments atthe heart of the financial crisis. Those other offices were not nearly as versed in complexHOUSE OVERSIGHT 019847financial cases as their colleagues in Manhattan. In addition, Bharara's office ceded post-financial crisis investigations into foreign exchange and global interest rate manipulation toprosecutors working from the Justice Department's headquarters.Like Morgenthau, Bharara was a prominent figure in the New York landscape, given towell-orchestrated press conferences and memorable sound bites. Like Morgenthau, he didnot leave office quietly, even thought the president has a longstanding right to name his ownU.S. attorneys. And like Morgenthau, he may try to parlay his martyrdom into electiveoffice.But if he runs on his record of convictions, as prosecutors often do, voters might want toconsider as well the list of possible targets he never pursued.Like this story? Sign up for our daily newslette to get more of our best work.Jesse EisingerJesse Eisinger is a senior reporter at ProPublica, covering Wall Street and finance.Don't Miss Our Latest StoriesHOUSE OVERSIGHT 019848